Choreographed Knowledges

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This page contains a growing timeline developed with and for Julia Sarisetiati's research and work on, around, and with migrant workers from Indonesia–individually, collectively, collaboratively, cooperatively, and a mixture of it all. This timeline is developed with Ary 'Jimged' Sendy, Grace Samboh, Julia Sarisetiati, Rachel K. Surijata, Ruhaeni Intan, with contributions from JJ Rizal.

The timeline is written in bahasa Indonesia with English translation is by Akmalia Rizqita “Chita” and Japanese translation by Haruko Kumakura. Recent development of the timeline is commissioned by Kyongfa Che for the exhibition Choreographies of the everyday (Aug 23-Nov 24, 2025), celebrating the 30th anniversary of the Museum of the Contemporary Art Tokyo.

About the timeline

This timeline traces how education became a tool: To sort bodies, train workers, pacify unrest, domesticate desire. It’s about the shifting techniques of governance (be it colonial or of equals) that taught people what they were allowed to become. But it’s also about refusal—about the skills that leak out of textbooks, the rituals that resist syllabi, the know-how passed between hands. What appears as “policy” in one entry might reappear as exile in another.

The timeline carries weight—physically, textually, structurally. To read it, you might have to crouch, turn, walk sideways. That movement echoes the entries themselves: where bodies are bent by state agendas, where migrant workers rehearse for futures not entirely their own. This choreography of adaptation—of being made compatible—is one of the timeline’s deepest concerns. It invites you to notice not just what you learned, but how, and why, how much, and at what cost.

This timeline is unfinished—and never meant to be. It follows chronological time, yes. But you’re free to follow your own sequence. Start wherever you like. In order or out of it. Three entries might be enough to feel the pulse—how migration, schooling, and labor constellate through laws, loopholes, and loss. Some pieces will feel familiar. Others might press at memories you forgot were yours. Shall we?

1546, 1602–1800

From Ternate to Batavia: Between the cross, the sword, and the pen

In 1546, Francis Xavier arrived in Ternate, leading a Jesuit mission to establish seminaries as instruments for spreading the Catholic faith. The schools in Ternate and Solor were even considered more advanced than those in Goa, which at the time was the centre of Portuguese power in Asia. A century before the arrival of the Dutch, Portuguese merchants had already settled in eastern regions of nusantara, bringing missionaries who saw education as a crucial part of both their spiritual and political missions.

In 1596, the first Dutch fleet landed in Banten. Officially established in 1602, the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) took over the trade routes, inheriting—and modifying—the Portuguese approach. As the world’s first multinational corporation, with the authority to wage war, mint currency, and forge treaties, the VOC monopolised trade across Asia and supported Christian missionaries such as the Nederlands Zendelingen Genootschap (NZG). Christian schools were first established in Ambon and Banda, later expanding to Batavia, funded by the VOC instead of the Dutch government—true to their motto: Gold, Gospel, Glory.

Meanwhile, Islamic education had long been present throughout the nusantara archipelago, focusing on reading, writing, and arithmetic in Malay—the everyday language of trade. These layers of education laid the foundation for knowledge systems that would later evolve and intertwine within the history of education and labour in Indonesia.

1680

From the palace to villages: Traces of education without schools

In the Maluku palace, daughters of the kolano were nurtured through home teaching: reading, writing, wood carving, embroidery, spinning yarn, and weaving. All of it took place within the domestic realm—which also served as a space for inheriting cosmology, social status, and ancestral symbols. It was there that values and skills were passed down—without schoolbooks.

Meanwhile, in South Sulawesi, local communities preserved their histories through elders and traditional storytellers. Stories of their origins, rituals, and agricultural patterns were transmitted through tales and chants, from one generation to the next. Even the smallest villages carried historical traces and traditions, carefully safeguarded by elders—evidence that identity and knowledge did not rely on the state school system.

As noted by Barbara Watson and Leonard Andaya, systems of skill-based and ethical education existed long before formal schooling. Teaching took shape through palace tales and village rituals alike—embedded in the everyday lives of the community.

1769, 1798, & 1799

Educating in the name of ruling: Population, production, and the politics of education

In 1798, Thomas Robert Malthus warned that uncontrolled population growth would surpass the Earth’s capacity to provide food. His theory influenced population and education policies in many nations. In authoritarian regimes, it was used to justify strict birth control, while democratic nations used it to promote sex education, reproductive health services, and introduce planned parenthood. In both approaches, education was positioned as an instrument to stabilise the population and prevent poverty.

Globally, the Industrial Revolution and Green Revolution reinforced dependence on skilled labour. The invention of the steam engine (1769) and the use of fossil energy from the late 18th century spurred colonialism and the reorganisation of labour in the Dutch East Indies to serve the interests of plantations and mining. Malthus’ idea gained traction amidst the production boom and urban migration triggered by the Industrial Revolution, which drastically reshaped social structures. In the 20th century, the Green Revolution transformed agriculture in Indonesia: mechanisation, surplus rural labour, and migration to cities or abroad became widespread. Education, in this context, was not aimed at liberating the people but rather at moulding them to meet the demands of production and social stability .

Following the dissolution of the VOC (1799) and the establishment of direct colonial rule, the education that was managed by churches such as the NZG, was taken over by the colonial government. Instead of fostering intellectual development, schools were designed to produce low-skilled labourers. Education became part of a framework of social control and population management, a legacy that persists to this day.

Nevertheless, various forms of community-based education continued to grow outside of the nation’s control. Surau (small Islamic prayer houses and learning centres), pesantren (traditional Islamic boarding schools), and people’s reading houses preserved knowledge that are rooted in spiritual values, local languages, and communal solidarities. In Minangkabau, surau even evolved into centres of education reform from as early as the 19th century, long before the establishment of political schools. These routes show that education was not always top-down—it could also emerge from the ground up, as a response to social pressures and colonialism.

1783

Embedded knowledge: Skills and crafts before the existence of ‘education’

Children learned by helping their parents and neighbours. From an early age, they prepared stoves, spun drills, refilled weaving tools, and filtered ore—absorbing not only techniques, but embedded knowledge, familiarity with local materials, and ways of working together. This was not merely “domestic craft”; it was intergenerational technology intimately tied to trade, land, and ceremony.

In 1783, William Marsden published his observations on Sumatra—describing long-established traditions of learning and expertise that predated his arrival by centuries. His publication recorded, among other things: Ironworkers mined ore at Iron Mountain (near Lake Singkarak) and smelted it in Salimpuang. Local blacksmiths—such as swordmakers in Payakumbuh and agricultural toolmakers in Lima Kaum / Tanah Datar—met the needs of both their communities and the colonial market. While the steel industry in Sheffield was just beginning to develop, these communities had already established sophisticated metallurgical practices using local furnaces and highland ore.

Gold and silver filigree artisans, particularly around Padang, created intricate ornaments using simple tools. Their craft—comparable in refinement to 7th-century BCE Etruscan filigree or 17th-century Mughal goldwork—developed independently, often adopting Chinese bellows and coastal innovations, but never relying on European education.

Textile weaving, carried out by women in Malay-speaking communities, included complex patterned weaving and embroidery using silk and gold threads. Long before the Jacquard machine revolutionised textile production in Europe, Minangkabau women were producing richly patterned fabrics—laden with meaning, memory, and prestige—particularly in coastal settlements connected to interregional trade routes.

1808 & 1817-1819

The education system and access during the Daendels Era

Under the authority of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, King Louis Bonaparte appointed Herman Willem Daendels, a rising military officer, to serve as Governor-General in the Dutch East Indies. Daendels instructed local regents in Java to establish pribumi schools, although these efforts largely failed due to the implementation of forced labour systems that brought suffering to the people. He also founded a ronggeng dance school in Cirebon and a midwifery school in Batavia, prompted by the high infant mortality rates resulting from inadequate healthcare facilities. Although he ruled the Dutch East Indies for only three years (1808–1811), Daendels left a legacy of militaristic leadership that can still be traced in both the state administrative system and the educational system in Indonesia today.

Following his departure, control of the Dutch East Indies was transferred to the British until 1816. Despite being led by Thomas Stamford Raffles, a statesman with a deep love for knowledge, best known for his History of Java—the education system saw little development under British rule. It was only later, under the leadership of the new Governor-General, Van der Cappellen, that new regulations were introduced, marking a significant shift in the development of education in the Dutch East Indies. Among these was the enactment of the 1818 Statute, which declared that the Dutch East Indies government was responsible for regulating the education system for pribumi children, although it bore no obligation to provide the schools itself—this responsibility was transferred to other parties. While this statute ultimately deepened the gap in educational access between Europeans and the pribumi population, it nonetheless marked the beginning of a transformation from traditional to colonial educational systems in the Dutch East Indies.

1826, 1845, & 1847

Towards the Ethical Policy: Race-based education

The growth of People’s Schools gradually increased the demand for teachers. This was further supported by King Willem II’s decree, issued on 30 September 1848, Number 95, which authorised Governor-General Van den Bosch to allocate ƒ25,000 per year to build native schools on the Island of Java. As a result, in 1852, the first teacher training school was founded in Surakarta. Its students were drawn from Javanese noble class, while the teachers had undergone training known as the Normaal Cursus, an educational programme at the time specifically designed to produce rural educators.

During this period, although a small number of selected natives gained access to education, there was a clear tendency to segregate education based on racial and social class distinctions. Europeans in the Dutch East Indies, Chinese, local aristocrats, and common natives, each received different forms of education. Such a tendency was evident in the establishment of Sekolah Bangsawan/The Nobles’ School (Hoofdensschool) in Minahasa in 1865, which was exclusively reserved for children of local regents. These children were trained to become the officials of Pangreh Praja (the colonial bureaucracy staffed by natives), and the school offered a more advanced curriculum than other native schools, with Dutch as the primary language of instruction.

In general, the education system during this period possessed dualistic and discriminatory characteristics, separating schools for Europeans, pribumi, and the Chinese. This discriminatory division affected various aspects of education, from the curriculum to the language of instruction—whether Dutch or local languages. Low-level schools for ordinary natives focused solely on basic reading, writing, and arithmetic. In contrast, schools for European children, Chinese descendants, and the nobility included more subjects such as geography, natural sciences, drawing, and history.

1830-1870

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1848, 1852, 1865, & 1892

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1881, 1904, & 1911

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1890–1939

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1893-1896

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1899, 1907, & 1908

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1901

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1901

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1908, 1912, & 1920

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1913, 1920, & 1924

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1922-1941

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1932 & 1933

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1939–1942

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1942

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1942–1943

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1943

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1943 & 1945

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1945

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1945

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1945-1966

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1945–1947, 1950, & 1956–1957

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1947 & 1952

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1948 & 1955

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1949, 1952, 1954, & 1958

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1950, 1951. & 1954–1957

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1961

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1965

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1965-1966

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1966

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1967

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1967

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1968 & 1970

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1970

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1973

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1973

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1974

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1974, 1980, 1984 & 1993

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1975–1976

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1980s

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1984

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1994

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1997

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1998

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1999

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2002, 2004, 2006, & 2011

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2003

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2003

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2005

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2005–2006

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2007–2008

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2008

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2010 & 2014

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2011–2012

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2011, 2015, 2017, & 2018

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2015 - now

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